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Don’t sacrifice Aurora’s strides in public safety | Michael Hancock

A serious city can mourn a death without surrendering its judgment. 

It can examine a police shooting, review tactics, reform procedures, and still refuse to turn grief into a political blank check. It can insist on accountability without confusing accountability with the capture of public institutions. 

Aurora is now being asked to do the opposite. 

The demand is no longer merely that the city review the death of Kilyn Lewis. That has been done. The shooting has been examined by prosecutors, a grand jury, APD’s internal review process, and the independent consent decree monitor. The officer was not charged. The department found no policy violation. The monitor agreed the officer acted reasonably, while questioning the decision to use SWAT. 

Denver Gazette file

That is a serious review: examine the facts, weigh the law, identify policy concerns, and improve where warranted. Chief Todd Chamberlain did that. After the shooting, he changed SWAT procedures, added a risk-assessment matrix, and added training. 

In a sane civic culture, that would be called leadership. In Aurora’s current political climate, it is being treated as a confession. 

This is the absurdity unfolding at City Hall. A police chief presiding over a major public safety turnaround is being targeted for removal, not because crime is rising, reform has stalled, or oversight found misconduct, but because activists made his removal their demand. 

And today, in progressive politics, the demand itself has become the evidence. 

DACAC has made clear what it wants: Chamberlain gone, a civilian-controlled process to replace him, and a Civilian Police Accountability Council with binding power over police policy, discipline, budget allocation, and hiring and firing.  

That is not oversight. That is control. 

That is not reform. It is a transfer of authority. 

Aurora already has layers of oversight: elected officials, a city manager, a police chief, internal review, district attorneys, courts, civil litigation, a consent decree, an independent monitor, and public comment. One may argue those systems need improvement. Fine. But the activists are not asking for a seat at the table. They are asking to own the table. 

The new council majority appears eager to hand it over. 

The most revealing act was the police communications gag rule. The Aurora City Council passed a measure requiring city manager approval before the police department can issue public statements, press releases, or social media posts. It also restricts the release of mugshots and suspect names before conviction. 

In a city of roughly 400,000 people, police now need political clearance to communicate with the public. Residents may want to know who was arrested in their neighborhood. Families may want timely information after a violent incident. But under this regime, public safety communication must first pass through City Hall. 

This is not transparency. It is message control. 

No one should be tried on Facebook. But a mugshot is not a conviction. A suspect’s name is not a verdict. A public safety alert is not a lynch mob. The public’s right to know does not disappear because information might complicate a political narrative. 

The deeper issue is that Aurora’s progressive majority seems to have adopted a strange theory of governance: the less the public knows, the more just the city becomes. 

That theory is dangerous because Aurora has been moving in the right direction. Crime has fallen significantly. Violent crime, property crime, vehicle theft, robbery, non-fatal shootings, homicides, and use-of-force complaints have reportedly moved downward. These are not abstractions. They are lives not shattered, cars not stolen, bullets not fired, victims not created. 

That progress came from policy, leadership, deployment, morale, strategy, and a police department allowed to do its job. 

Why would a city punish the leadership producing public safety gains? 

Because for some activists, the issue was never results. It was power. 

If crime falls, the police are still the problem. If use-of-force complaints fall, the police are still the problem. If a shooting is reviewed by multiple independent processes and no charges are filed, the police are still the problem. If the chief reforms policy, the reform becomes evidence against him. If the department communicates with the public, it must be muzzled. 

This is how ideology eats governance. 

A city council is not a therapy circle, protest stage, or grievance-processing center. It is a governing body responsible for streets, budgets, safety, infrastructure, and residents who may never attend a meeting but still expect their city to function. 

They are the community too. 

That is the phrase most abused in Aurora politics: “the community.” It is spoken as though one activist faction possesses exclusive title to the word. But Aurora is not owned by the loudest group in the council chamber. It belongs to the families who live there, the taxpayers who fund it, the officers who protect it, and the residents who want their city safer, not more performative. 

Kilyn Lewis’ death was tragic. That does not make every demand made in his name wise. 

Aurora can demand police accountability without allowing activists to capture the police department. It can continue reform without destroying the leadership that helped reduce crime. 

The choice before Aurora is not between cruelty and compassion. It is between accountability and surrender. 

Michael A. Hancockisa retired high-tech business executive and a Coloradan since 1973. Originally from Texas, he is a musician, composer, softwareengineerand U.S. Air Force veteran whose wide-ranging interests — from science and religion to politics, the arts and philosophy — shape his perspective on culture, innovation and what it means to be a Coloradan.     



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